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Feb 24, 2012

How Credible was the Statehood Referendum?

 Я считаю, что совершенно неважно, кто и как будет в партии голосовать; но вот что чрезвычайно важно, это - кто и как будет считать голоса.The people who cast votes decide nothing. What matters is who counts the votes and how.
--Joseph Stalin

 Some years ago I heard this interesting story by a Hawaiian man about the way the Statehood referendum was held.  His father had been a precinct captain in Pauoa and he said that certain people--both Hawaiian and non-Hawaiians--who were known in the community to oppose Statehood, when they had voted at his precinct their ballots were placed in a special box. When it was time to collect the ballot boxes, men from the US Army carried it away on Army trucks with the keys to the ballot box to 'Iolani Palace. His father believed that the US Army men destroyed the special "ballot boxes". When I first heard this story, I thought this was rather fanciful and sounded like a grand conspiracy. I know that there probably was irregularities. John Kealoha, the Lieutenant-Governor under Governor William F. Quinn and brother in law of my grandmother, had remarked to my grandmother that territorial elections were far from "acceptable" and said that the Secretary of the Territory--which was the second highest appointed office in Hawai'i and was replaced by an elected Lieutenant-Govenor after Statehood--had been rigging votes for years. One may recall that in 1960, Kealoha accused Quinn and the Republican Party's machinery of rigging the US presidential elections in favor of Richard Nixon and ordered a recall.  Kealoha also ran against Quinn--thought they both were Republicans--on an anti-corruption platform. It

So the question is, how credible was the Statehood referendum? Its widely known today that in 1946 Hawai'i was listed as a Non-Self-Governing Territory and in theory Hawai'i should have been given various political options including independence, free association, Commonwealth, or incorporation. The 1959 referendum only had one option: incorporation.
Statehood Ballot with the Certification of the Secretary of the Territory
However, former governors such as William Quinn and John Burns claimed that they had no idea that they had other options. This is despite the fact that Territorial Senator Abigail Kamokila Campbell and former Governor Ingram Stainback spoke adamantly against Statehood and favored a Commonwealth status similar to Puerto Rico--an option that should have been given to Hawai'i under the UN. Abigail Kamokila Campbell even sued the Territory in 1949 to allocating public funds solely to push for Statehood. But the Commonwealth option was not an option. Certainly, Territorial leaders were aware of how many people were actually in favor of Statehood. They forced not one, but several Statehood referendums. The earliest was in 1935 and continued all the way up until 1959 with the exception of 1941 to 1944 when Martial Law was in effect. For example, here is one referendum in 1940.  Its also interesting that in the 1940 referendum, there was 83,312 registered voters and in 1959, there was 155,000 registered voters though 132,773 actual votes cast. According to official census records, the total population of Hawai'i in 1940 was 422,770 and in 1960 it was 632,772. In other words, the population grew under 30% in those two decades but the registered amount of voters almost doubled. This is despite the fact that the voting age was 21 thus excluding baby-boomers and that the results of the 1940 referendum were not as overwhelming pro-Statehood. It should also be noted that there was some truth to the US Army's involvement in elections in Hawai'i prior to Statehood.
It would make sense that the US military would "transport" ballot boxes from precincts to 'Iolani Palace because they had the transportation to, especially given that Hawai'i was still recovering from World War II and that the civilian government had been removed from power for over three long years (1941-1944). US President Dwight Eisenhower, himself once a military governor of occupied West Germany, also made several stops in Hawai'i prior to the Statehood referendum on his way to occupied Japan. Mary Dudziak's book, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, explains that that Eisenhower was being pressured by the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China, and other powers about the US' human rights records including its colonial possessions of Hawai'i and Alaska. One could conceivably imagine a US president--who had just authorized the 1952 coup against the democratically elected government in Iran--concerned about how propaganda might affect American relations in Europe and Asia would hint to his appointee about the necessity of securing Hawai'i and removing any potential "red" propaganda. It would have also been easy to manoeuvres an election to their preferred outcome as they had control of the ballots, the newspapers, and the Army. 

So the question is did they?

Feb 2, 2012

Hawaiian Kahuna



One of the most abused Hawaiian words and concepts is the word kahuna. Nowadays, the word is used in slang to mean an expert surfer, an influential person ("the big kahuna"), a shaman, and a large hamburger. However, none of these definitions are correct. However, The Hawaiian Dictionary as edited by Mary Kawena Pukui and considered the standard dictionary on the Hawaiian language lists the following definitions:
1. Priest, sorcerer, magician, wizard, minister, expert in any profession (whether male or female); in the 1845 laws doctors, surgeons, and dentists were called kahuna. See kahu and many examples below; for plural see kāhuna. hoʻo.kahuna To cause to be a kahuna or pretend to be one; to ordain or train as a kahuna. (PPN tufunga, PCP t(a, o)funga.)
Note how surfing, shamans, and hamburgers are not listed. According to the observations of Captain Cook in 1778, he noted that there were several types of kahuna and several kahuna priesthoods each one headed by a kahuna nui. There was one particular type of high ranking kahuna who was considered so sacred that not even Captain Cook could meet with. Captain Cook compared this high official "....like the Delai Lama of Thibet". French and later English explorers mention the same observations. Captain Vancouver in 1790 goes on to talk about several existing kahuna nui.
In 1819, a power struggle began between the practitioners of the old Hawaiian religion and the new regime of Ka`ahumanu. With the defeat of Kekuaokalani, a kahuna nui of the Kū line of priests and kahu (guardian) the Kūka`ilimoku temples at the Battle of Kuamo`o, the Hawaiian religion was systemically destroyed and many of the kahuna were killed, burned, or forced to give up their religion thus ending a power struggle between the priests and the nobility that began a thousand years earlier. In stories of Moloka`i, over 800 kahuna were burned alive in a single day. Later in 1824 when Ka`ahumanu had adopted Christianity and later imposed it throughout the Hawaiian Kingdom, even claiming to be a kahuna was declared illegal. Under King Kamehameha V, certain kahuna were allowed to be licensed under the Board of Health. With the reign of King Kalākaua, the laws against the kahuna were not heavily enforced and some of the lines were resurrected. After 1893, the kahuna again became illegal and later this began to be repealed in court cases in the 1960s and finally in 1978 with the new state constitution.

The Ancient Hawaiian Religion

According to certain legends, the very ancient ancestors had a very simple devotion. Normally this revolved around female and male elements known as Hina and Kū respectively. Sometimes the Kū element--which should not be confused with the war god of the same name--was also called Kūhiwa or simply Hiwa which means "Shining One" particularly on the island of Moloka`i. Hina could mean fall or to wane and is one of the roots for the word wahine (possibly from wai and Hina or water of Hina) meaning woman. Gradually, other akua or deities began to emerge bsuch as Kane, the sun god and who on some islands was considered an deity of certain lands (particularly of flat lands and paddies) similar to Malagasy mythology, and Kanaloa, the god of the ocean. However, with each god, there was a complimentary opposite and a complete opposite. Kūs female complimentary opposite was Hina and his male opposite was Lono.
Slowly a pantheon of deities emerged called the Nā Kini Akua (the 40,000 deities) coinciding with the increase in the Hawaiian population. What is interesting about that term is that Kini also could mean body or body-form implying that the deities were parts of the same single body, similar to Balinese Hindu concept of the many gods that was one or "one god many faces". According to the Hawaiian scholar Kepelino, the last god to brought into the Hawaiian Nā Kini Akua was Lono who came via the island of Lana`i and is one of the reasons why Kamehameha I after his conquest of the entire Hawaiian Islands made pilgrimages to Lana`i. In addition to these deities, there were a number of deified persons including Kihāwahine and in some accounts, Wakea.

In the 12th or 13th century, there began religious movements from the South Pacific. On one hand, there was the Ari`oi movement in Tahiti and Borabora which placed an emphasize on the deity Oro or known as Lono in Hawai`i. The ari`oi movement also placed a strong attachment to ritualism, blood offerings, and loyalty to a secret society--similar to the Greek mystery cults--called the ari`oi. The ari`oi were open to individuals regardless of a person's class provided that they were sponsored into the society. This was revolutionary in the society at that time. The society of Tahiti (and most of Eastern Polynesia) at the time consisted of three tier society consisting of ariki (ali'i or nobility), raatira (free persons, artists, offspring of mixed nobility, etc), and the manahune (farmers, fishermen, etc). The term manahune in Hawaiian became menehune and both terms have the same root words: mana (inheritance or power) and hune (pitiful, little, impoverished or diminished). So for many of the raatira and manahune classes, to be a member of the ari`oi was a way for upward social mobility. Gradually the ari`oi enjoyed immunity from most taboos and became a class unto themselves.

On the Western side of Polynesia in Samoa, a complex political and social class system was put in place. This class system placed a heavy emphasis on blood lines, monument building, veneration of royalty, and spiritual purity. This coincided with the rise of power of the Tu`i Manu`a ("Paramount King/Emperor/High Lord of Manu`a"), which was based in what is now American Samoa. The political influence of the Tu`i Manu`a extended from Samoa to Fiji, Tonga, and Rarotonga. From these two movements within Polynesia came Pa`ao.

Pa'ao

Pa'ao was a priest and navigator who according to most sources was Samoan but had studied religion in Ra`iatea (the seat of learning in the South Pacific in that era) or in Tahiti. After a period of traveling around the Pacific, he came to Hawai`i and saw what he believed was the lack of religiosity among Hawaiians. Hawaiian society at that time was far less rigid than Tahiti and Samoa and religion was kept simple. According to the Hawaiian historian David Malogion in Ra`iatea (the seat of learning in the South Pacific in that era) or in Tahiti. After a period of traveling around the Pacific, he came to Hawai`i and saw what he believed was the lack of religiosity among Hawaiians. Hawaiian society at that time was far less rigid than Tahiti and Samoa and religion was kept simple. According to David Malo:


We are informed (by historical tradition) that two men named Paao and Makua-kaumana, with a company of others, voyaged hither, observing the stars as a compass; and that Paao remained in Kohala, while Makua-Kaumana returned to Tahiti. Paao arrived at Hawaii during the reign of Lono-ka-wai, the king of Hawaii. He (Lono-ka-wai) was the sixteenth in that line of kings, succeeding Kapawa. Paao continued to live in Kohala until the kings of Hawaii became degraded and corrupted (hewa); then he sailed away to Tahiti to fetch a king from thence. Pili (Kaaiea) was that king and he became one in Hawaii's line of kings (papa alii).
Hawaiian Antiquities, p. 6.
At the same time he returned with Pili, he introduced major reforms into the Hawaiian religious system including adopting certain features of the ari'oi, more complicated religious practices (including the use of blood offerings), and monumental temple building. However, in making reforms to the priestly line, Pa`ao subjected the priests to the nobility by bringing an emphasize on the Papa and Wakea mythology. At the time of Pa`ao's arrival, the priestly lines were for all purposes independent of the chiefs. All lands that had the word "Wai" in their names were previously governed by priests. The priests or kahuna had developed a monastic way of life and in many ways distant from the chiefs and the common people. Pa`ao brought the kahuna out of their lands and incorporated them into the life of the royal court. However, the kahuna were able to regain some independence after Pa`ao including having permanent lands and tributes for their temples and shrines. Overtime, the strict reforms made by Pa`ao was loosened by Hawaiians themselves but the changes made by Pa`ao shows that Polynesian societies, like all societies, change with time and are not stagnant museum pieces.   

Hawaiian Canoe Building
by Koakanu

[The following article, attributed to a man named Koakanu, is from Fornander, Vol. 5, 610-614. Reposted from http://www.pvs-hawaii.com/canoe/canoe_building.htm]

Canoe building was one of the industries of ancient Hawaiians, and it is still carried on to this day. This is how it is done: when a man desires to go up to the mountain forests to get a tree to build a canoe, he must first prepare a pig, red fish, black fish and various other things as offerings to propitiate the forest deities. When these things are ready he comes home and invites dreams in his sleep. If they are good dreams, he will go up to the forests; but if they are unfavorable, he won't go.
A woman should not go along with him to the mountains; that is wrong. Should a woman go along, the canoe would crack.
When he arrives at the place where the koa tree selected for his canoe stands, he kindles a fire for an imu to cook the offerings. After the fire is kindled, he gets a chip of the koa tree and burns it in the imu; when all the offerings are cooked, prayer s are offered to the canoe-building gods: to Kupulupulu, Kumokuhali'i, Kuolonowao, Kupepeiaoloa, Kuho'oholo-pali, Kupa'aike'e, Kanealuka, and various others; then he eats some of the food and throws some to the gods. When all these things have been attend ed to, the tree is ready to be cut.
[Kalokuokamaile, who chose the goddess Lea as his canoe-building patron, used the following chant before cutting down a tree:
O Lea, woman who builds canoes,

Goddess of canoe making,
I have come up to cut a tree for a canoe.
Here is my payment, an offering,
A sacrifice for you, O Lea.
Here is red fish, a red loin cloth.
Grant me much skill, strength, and thought,
Grant me patience.
Make into trifles
all hindrances and obstacles,
In front, behind, And on all sides of the tree I cut.
Guide my adze to its target,
Let the chips fly at each stroke
Until the work is finished.
Amama, the prayer is freed.

(E Lea, ka wahine kua wa'a,

Akua kalaiwa'a,
I pi'i mai nei au e kua,
E 'oki i ku'u la'au wa'a,
Eia ka'u uku, 'alana,
Mohai ia 'oe e Lea,
Eia ka i'a 'ula, malo 'ula,
E ha'awi mai i ka 'ike a nui,
Ka ikaika, ka no'ono'o,
Ha'awi mai ia'u i ke aholoa,
O na alalai, o na ke'ake'a
Mamua, mahope,
A ma na 'ao'ao o ku'u la'au e 'oki ai,
E ho'olilo ia lakou i 'opala,
E ho'opili pono i ka maka o ke ko'i,
Ma ku'u wahi i makemake ai,
'Aole ho'opakua i ku'u ko'i,
Pa no lele ka mamala,
Ahiki i ka pau ana,
'Amama ua noa.)
After the pig was cooked, the part offered to the gods was accompanied by the following prayer:
O Lea, woman who builds canoes,

Goddess of canoe making,
And Mokuhali'i and Kupa'aike'e,
Male gods of canoe making,
Here is pork,
A pork gift, a sacrifice, an offering
From Kalokuokamaile.
Grant him much skill,
Skill and mana (power), unlimited mana;
you are obliged to him for his pork,
'Amama, it is freed.
(E Lea, ka wahine kua wa'a, akua kalaiwa'a, ame Mokuhali'i, Kupa'aike'e,na akua kane kalaiwa'a, eia ka pua'a, he pua'a uku, mohai, 'alana ia 'oukou na Kalokuokamaile e ha'awi i ka 'ike a nui, ka 'ike mana, kana mana palena 'ole, a nolaila, ke 'ai'e nei 'o ukou i ka pua'a a Kalokuokamaile, 'Amama, ua noa.)]
The tool used for cutting in the olden times was a stone adze, ground until sharp and tied to a handle. When cutting down a tree, first dig away the dirt so that the roots show, then cut down the tree. It would take one man almost a week to fell a tree; i f many hands worked together, the tree could be felled in two days. Nowadays we have iron axes, and because of their sharpness a tree can easily be cut down; a strong man can cut down a koa tree in half an hour.
After the tree is felled and before it is shaped into a canoe, more prayers are offered to the gods. After rough-shaping the log and making it light, the canoe is hauled down from the mountain and placed at a site prepared for it. After three months or mo re to cure the wood, the finishing work is done on the hull and the other parts of the canoe are attached.
This is the way to build the other parts: the wood for the sides and tops of the canoe is the 'ahakea; you need four rims (kupe) and two rails (mo'o). The four rims are called ki'apu'apu (the forward curving portion of the canoe's rim, generally known as the manu); ho'onoluonolu (the straight part of the rim); oio (a between section of the rim); and unu (the stern curving portion of the rim, known also as the aft manu). These rims are hewn so as to fit along the rim of the canoe hull and are tied on to th e canoe with the 'aha (sennit).
When the canoe is finished, the ceremony known as lolo is performed (the hog-sacrifice ceremony, when the deity is invoked to witness the canoe's satisfactory completion). Should the ceremony be performed without any interruption, then the canoe would be a sound, but should the ceremony be interrupted the canoe would not be sound, or else trouble would come to the owner of the canoe. After this ceremony, the ama and the 'iako (outrigger and its two connecting arms) are shaped and tied on; then the wae (br aces inside of the canoe near the 'iako to stiffen and strengthen the sides of the canoe); then the kuapo'i (weatherboards covering the canoe fore and aft).
[Kalokuokamaile describes the lolo ceremony as follows: Everything was assembled to finish the canoe--the ama, the 'iako, the cords to bind the 'iako, and the wae. An imu was lit to roast a pig. The pig bristles were removed, and the pig roasted. Then the owner brought the canoe-making expert a live pig. The expert released the pig into the hull. If the pig went from stern to bow and leaped out, it was a good canoe, and the life of the pig was spared. If the pig went as far as the bow and laid dow n, then it was cooked in the imu. While the pig was roasting in the imu, the 'iako and ama were lashed to the canoe and the other parts joined on. When the pig was cooked, the head was cut off and set apart for the canoe-making expert, and the rest of the pig was cut up for the people gathered at the ceremony. The expert then petitioned the gods of the canoe makers:
O Mokuhali'i, Kupa'aike'e, Lea,

Here is pork,
A payment, a gift, an offering,
A sacrifice to you.
The canoe is finished,
Ready to be launched into the sea,
Its home where it will seek profit and wealth;
Watch over it carefully
Be alert for coral heads and stone heads of the reefs,
For the waves and the swells of the open ocean.
Guide the canoe over the depths of the sea,
Let the canoe ride over the waves of the sea,
Till it is worn out, overgrown with limu, and aged.

(E Mokuhali'i, Kupa'aike'e, Lea, eia ka pua'a, he uku, he makana, he 'alana, he mohai ia 'oukou. Ua pa'a ka wa'a, a e ho'olanaia aku ana i ke kai, o kona. 'aina ia e huli ai i ka loa'a ame ka waiwai.
(E nana pono loa 'oukou, e maka'ala i na puko'a, na pu'upohaku o kahi laupapa, na nalu, na 'ale o ka moana. Ho'oholo no 'oukou i ka wa'a ma kahi hohonu o ke kai; i hele ai ka wa'a a nalukai, a 'apulu, a ulu ka limu pakaiea, a kaniko'oko'o.)
[The canoe was then carried down to the ocean and paddled a short distance out. The builder called from shore, "How is the canoe? Is it good?" (Pehea ka wa'a! Ua maika'i ka wa'a?") When the owner answered, "Yes, the canoe is good,"("'Ae, ua maika'i ka wa' a"), the work on the canoe ended.]
Those people who build canoes for a living are called kahuna kalai wa'aÑcanoe-building priests. This occupation is a hazardous one, often resulting in death. I worked at it from the time I was twelve years of age. It is, however, a profitable industry if one should persevere in following it; because a canoe log four fathoms (24 feet) or more, even though not completed as a canoe, could sell for $40.00. If completed it would bring $80.00 for some, and more for others.
Supplementary Information from a man named Kauwenaolu: Before the canoe-making priests go up to the mountain, they sharpen their stone adzes until the edges are keen. If they have a favorable dream at night, they go up to the mountains; if they do not hav e a favorable dream, they should not go up. Here is another important thing: on going up and reaching the forest, if they should hear the 'alala (Hawaiian crow), the idea of building the canoe [from that particular log] should be abandoned, because it is evident to them that the tree is rotten inside. If they don't hear any noise from birds until they come to the canoe tree, those priests are happy.
Here is one prayer upon cutting the trunk and its branches: "E kua i uka, e kua i kai, e kua i o, e kua ia nei, e nana e ka la i kamana wa'a, e 'ike e ko luna, e 'ike e ko lalo i ke 'oki ana o ka kakou wa'a." ("Hew mountainward, hew seaward; hew there, he w here. Watch over, O sun, the canoe builder. Witness, those above, witness, those below, the cutting of our canoe!")
Then these men begin cutting the tree until it falls. If the canoe is for fishing purposes, a different prayer is offered for the hewing of that canoe tree. If it is intended for sale, another prayer is used at its felling. There are also separate divisions in the prayer for cutting off the branches and the trunk, for shaping the trunk, for hauling the partly-shaped log down to the beach, for the construction of the canoe, and for launching it into the sea. The only trouble is I do not know those parts of the prayer.
About the Koa Canoe (From Fornander, Vol 5, 630-636)
During the period when Hawai'i was unenlightened (na'aupo), the people had already acquired the art of constructing canoes. The best koa forests, both for the size and quality of the trees and the convenience of getting the partly hewn trees from mountain to shore, were in the Hilo and Kona districts of Hawai'i and the Hana district of Maui. The Hawaiian people were able to construct canoes which reached about ten fathoms (60 feet) long, and smaller canoes which reached from four to six fathoms long. In depth, some of these canoes reached the armpit of a person when he stood inside of one of them. However, a common man was seldom seen in one of these large canoes, as they were mostly used by the chiefs in the old days. The depth of the smaller canoes is like the depth of canoes we see nowadays.
The Adze (Ko'i): The adzes used for for cutting down and hollowing out the trees in those days were made of hard stone, seldom seen nowadays. The stone was called 'ala, basalt, and the principal quarry was high up on the slope of Mauna Kea. These stones a re harder than ordinary; there were no metal axes in those days.
Cutting Down ('Oki) the Tree: When the canoe-building priest goes up and comes to the tree desired for a canoe, he looks first at the main branch, and where the main branch extends, towards that side is the tree to be felled. If the falling tree lands on another tree, the omen is bad [it is not right]; if it falls clear, it is good. After the tree is felled, the 'elepaio bird, the god of the canoe builders, alights on the tree. If the bird runs back and forth, without pecking the tree here and there, then flies away, it is a good canoe. If it pecks along one side from the front to the back, then hew that side for the mouth of the canoe. If it pecks on on both sides, the log is rotten; better leave it alone. There is a prayer for cutting off the top, but I have not obtained it.
Shaping (Kalai) the Canoe: In shaping a canoe the outside is shaped first, and when the outside is finished, then the inside. At this time, however, no particular way of shaping is observed; anyway of hollowing the log is allowed, so that the canoe may be lightened for dragging down to the beach. The canoe is nicely tapered in the front, and is large and full in the rear. Some projections ("pepeiao," or "ears") are left on the insides of canoe; as many as four, five or perhaps six, according to the wishes of the priest and the size of the canoe. These projections are used for attaching the outrigger, the mast, and the seats. When the shaping is done, then the canoe-building priest reports to the owner that the work is completed. If the owner wishes to go up and view the canoe, then he accompanies the priest; if he does not so wish, the canoe is left alone until it is seasoned; then it is hauled down to the shore.
Hauling (Kauo) the Canoe to Shore: Hauling the canoe is another important job. It can not be done with only a few men; there must be many, perhaps forty, sixty, or eighty, according to the size of the canoe; a small canoe requires fewer men. The day set a part for hauling the canoe is a day of much pompÑlike the day of a funeral of a famous man. Men, women, children, and sometimes chiefs go up to the mountain. Food, pigs, chickens, turkeys (palahu), and fish, enough to feed the multitude, are taken up.
When the people arrive at the place where the rough-shaped canoe was left, preparations are made for dragging it. A rope is tied to the neck (maku'u) cut at the stern of the canoe, and when the ropes are ready, a chain of workers takes up positions from w here the rope is tied to the canoe neck to the end of the rope far ahead. Strong men are placed at the end of the rope, so that the rope will be kept taut when being pulled, and will not slacken, tangle, and hurt the men when the canoe slides down a steep hill.
The canoe is hauled until it is brought to a moderately steep hill where it is impossible for many to pull together because of the steepness. There the people are reassigned, and fewer men are required to pull the canoe down the hill. It is then that we s ee the skill of the man who guides the canoe downhill; it is then that he displays his great ability. When the preparations are complete, the man who will steer the canoe down the hill rides on it. Those who were selected to pull commence pulling, and the canoe moves along until it attains a good speed, when the men who are pulling desist and the canoe guide (ho'okele) takes over. A canoe coasting down a hill goes faster than a galloping horse.
If the path is rough, the canoe can be turned toward a smooth place; if a large tree or a stone is in the way, or the path is crooked, the canoe might be broken; it is up to the man guiding the canoe to prevent the canoe from being wrecked. Arriving at a flat area, the multitude hauls again, and thus they go until the house for building the canoe is reached. But if it is a half-witted man who directs the canoe, or a man with little ability, trouble will follow from the outset. I saw this happen continually at my birthplace.
The ho'okele (canoe guide) rides in front by the neck for attaching the ropes; he holds on to a short rope and a small stick made fast to the neck. The stick is used like the rudder of a ship. If the canoe swerves from the path selected, the stick is used as a lever to head the canoe properly. The ho'okele can direct the canoe to any chosen place or step back into the canoe while it is coasting, or restrain the canoe so that those who are dragging it are unable to do so.
The Finishing Work (Kalai Ho'omaika'i): If the priest is hewing a canoe in a house, then the rule is that an 'aha cord be stretched across the door of the house from side to side, so that people would not enter to talk, thereby diverting the attention of the canoe-building priest, and perhaps causing the canoe to be broken by careless hewing. Hence the 'aha cord is placed across the door, so that a person would come and talk from the outside, but is unable to enter the house. If that person has something important to say, the work is stopped and the conversation is then held. This is a rule strictly adhered to by some canoe-builders.
The finishing work on a canoe can begin from the front or the rear. If the hewing begins on the left side, do not switch over and work on the right side, for the work would end up defective. If the work begins at the bow, continue from that direction unti l the stern is reached, then quit; do not change the direction of the hewing. Likewise, if you begin hewing from the stern then continue from that direction until the bow is reached, then quit. Do not hew from the bow, then from the stern, on the same sid e, or there might be a gap (puka) in the middle.
Adzes: There are two kinds of adze used for building canoe: ko'i kupa, an adze for digging out the inside, and any other rough work; and ko'i wili, a reversible adze used for finishing work. The ko'i kupa is used for digging out the inside and rough-hewin g the outside [of the canoe] when the wood is still thick; and when it is thin then the ko'i wili is used for the finishing work. The koi wili is used in hewing both wide and narrow places.
Other Parts of the Canoe: When the canoe is finished, the wae (brace to stiffen and support the sides of the canoe) are placed in position; these parts are attached to the niao (the top rim of the hull), along with the manu (curved bow and stern pieces). The wae are made of 'aiea wood. Sennit is used to fasten these parts onto the canoe. When that is done, the 'iako (outrigger boom) and the ama (the outrigger) are attached; these parts are for steadying the canoe at sea. The proper woods out of which to m ake these parts are the hau and the wiliwili.
Three other kinds of wood (besides koa) were used in building canoes in ancient times--the wiliwili, the kukui (candle-nut tree), and the ulu (breadfruit tree). The wiliwili is yet being used. The kukui is not much seen at this time. The ulu is used for repairing a broken canoe; great skill is required to make the patching blend into the original canoe.
Painting: The paint used to daub the canoe black is called amaumau. Cane leaves and nanaku (rush) from the stream are burned; the ashes are collected and placed in a container, then mixed together with kukui gum. This mixture forms the black paint to adhere to [and protect] the wood.

Feb 1, 2012

Princess Ka'iulani's Engagement


Out of all the Hawaiian royals, she is probably the one most people understand the least because of people have a tendency to project what they want on her.  For Americans and Europeans, Princess Ka'iulani represented an exotic Barbie-doll like princess in a doomed Polynesian kingom. For Hawaiians, she had come to represent a beautiful victim of haole greed who did everything she could to save the Hawaiian people from annexation by the United States.  Lost between these two views is Victoria Ka'iulani, the young hapa woman barely out of her teens struggling with issues and problems that for the most part she could do very little about. Yes, she was beautiful. But there is more to her than her beauty.

One of the most persistent myths has been Princess Ka'iulani's love life. Her love life was the subject of a horrible fictional novel called April of her Age and a poorly written movie Princess Kaiulani (formerly offensively titled "The Barbarian Princess"). In both works, she is made to fall in love with a Westerner. The subtle racism involved with that framing is of course that since Princess Ka'iulani was educated and beautiful, it would be natural for her to fall in love with a Westerner.  She could not possibly be involved with another Hawaiian as Hawaiian men were just simpletons. So Princess Ka'iulani was made in most of these works as having a series of relationships or flirtations with Western men despite several of her letters openly stating how she felt about love. Princess Ka'iulani loved Europe. She loved France and the isle of Jersey. But she loved Hawai'i more. So much so she that during her first year of studying, she would have dreams of being back at 'Ainahau and would wake up crying. When she recieved news about her aunt being deposed, she began to get migraines and became increasingly thin. Like many Native Hawaiians in our diasporo, she craved the fish and poi of her homeland and like many Native Hawaiians abroad, her nationalism became increasingly deep seated. She shared many of these feelings and intimate thoughts with only three people--her "Mama Mo'i" (Queen Kapi'olani), "Koa" (Prince David Kawananakoa), and Baron Toby de Courcy.

Princess Ka'iulani first became interested in Koa when she first arrived in England. Koa was completing his studies as Princess Ka'iulani was beginning hers. He toured her around London and they began to exchange letters. In time, feelings grew. However, they had kept things underwraps because of Princess Ka'iulani's age but also because Prince David Kawananakoa was expected to marry someone else. Then with the political problems in 1892 and 1893, the situation took a turn for the worst. However, it was public knowledge that Prince Kawananakoa and Princess Ka'iulani were going to be married at some point but the Queen needed to consent or else both of them would be removed from the line of succession. However, another problem arose. The relationship between the Queen and Princess Ka'iulani was shaky because of the relationship between Archibald Cleghorn and the Queen. Archibald Cleghorn turned on the Queen the very next day after the Provisional Government assumed power. He persistenly said in newspapers and to Lorrin Thurston that his daughter should be queen. That's why in letters from the Queen to Princess Ka'iulani, she constantly told her niece that she was not to accept any offers for the Hawaiian throne. When Princess Ka'iulani arrived in Washington DC before the Commission of the Hawaiian Government in Exile did, it made matters even worst. The other issue the Queen probably had in mind at the time was the fact that Archibal Cleghorn owed his wealth to his late wife and his daughter and should Princess Ka'iulani marry Prince Kawananakoa and produce another heir, he would be the grandfather of the future royal family. Something that probably scared her.  

When Princess Ka'iulani achieved some popularity in the American press, the enemies of the monarchy then began to spring into action by trying to cast Princess Ka'iulani as essentially "easy" by printing engagement notices it seems every month and nearly all of them it was alleged she was engaged with a Caucasian man. This type of press no doubt hurt Princess Ka'iulani and Prince Kawananakoa. You will note however that nearly no Hawai'i paper did the same because it was a well known secret. In 1895, Princess Ka'iulani proached the subject of marriage to her aunt and her aunt responded by listing three candidates--a Japanese prince, Prince David Kawananakoa, and Prince Jonah Kalaniana'ole. The Queen knew about the relationship between the prince and the princess but being that she was caught up in the political problems of her homeland, she hoped that the Princess might put aside her feelings and marry for political expediency. This is why the Princess' reply stated that she could have been married to a wealthy German baron but would prefer to marry for love (again hinting). On the part of Princess Ka'iulani, she probably was also trying to hint to the Queen to announce the engagement herself because her father did not have a favorable opinion of Hawaiians and Prince David Kawananakoa, despite his English accent, was still a Hawaiian. If the Queen could announce the engagement, then her father would have no choice to accept it. But alas, it seems that the subtle hints were lost on each other.       

Sometime in January of 1898, the plans became final. Informally, it was said that Prince Kawananakoa formally asked for Princess Ka'iulani's hand in marriage on January 21 of that year--the anniversary of Queen Lili'uokalani's ascension--on the Big Island of Hawai'i. It was announced in public in February as both parties began the task of gaining the consent of both families. Archibald Cleghorn may or may not have agreed to give his consent and the relationship between him and his daughter became quite frosty as letters have shown. Prince David Kawananakoa recieved the consent of the Queen and proceeded to gain the consent of his adopted mother, Queen Kapi'olani.

The Ka'iulani Engagement Necklace 

We know that this engagement was the real deal because of the exchange of gifts that began to arrive.  One of the engagement presents that arrived for Princess Ka'iulani was a diamond necklace from "Mama Mo'i".  The diamond necklace was originally a gift from King Kalakaua to Queen Kapi'olani for their wedding anniversary. Princess Ka'iulani did not like heavy jewelry so she replaced the silver chain with a triple strain of pearls. After the death of Princess Ka'iulani, the necklace was returned to Prince David Kawananakoa and then inherited by his wife, Abigail Campbel Kawananakoa and then later placed under the care of the Honolulu Academy of Arts. Other known engagement gifts included silverware, clothing, feathers, food, and land. One of the reasons why Princess Ka'iulani kept going to the Parker Ranch on the Big Island was to spend time with "Koa" who always accompanied her.  There is also a number of photographs of Princess Ka'iulani where "Koa" is always next to her.
The 1898 "Annexation" Protest
'Ainahau 1898














In fact, it is claimed that her last words might have been "Koa" not "Papa" as noted in a few books. When Princess Ka'iulani passed away, it was Prince David Kawananakoa who paid for her funeral expenses. This is also one of the reasons why the Cleghorn family for the most part was not particularly welcomed at Washington Place after 1898.

Throughout their engagement, the American press continued to mount engagement notices every month. It had gotten so bad that even former pro-Republic of Hawai'i newspapers began to protest. One of the most frequent rumors was started by an American newspaper reporter named Andrew Adams who worked briefly in Hawai'i and claimed he was engaged to Princess Ka'iulani. The Hawaiian Star, an anti-monarchy newspaper that had originally employed Andrew Adams printed several apologies to Princess Ka'iulani and denounced Andrew Adams for trying to use Princess Ka'iulani to make a name for himself.

Another constantly rumored suitor was Clive Davies who is featured in the movie, Princess Ka'iulani, and whose father, Theo Davies, was pushing his business partner Archibald Cleghorn to force Princess Ka'iulani to marry Clive so that he could make claims for the Crown Lands. How Princess Ka'iulani felt for Clive is also well known. When the Princess met with Prince Kawananakoa in New York in 1893 and was reproached, she slowly began to disassociate herself from the Davies family including moving in with her former teacher in Brighton, England. When the Princess arrived back in Honolulu and found out that the Davies family were involved with the Annexation Club, she had no further contact with them and she in public scolded her father during a lu'au for betraying his adopted country.